Central Asia-China Summit - The Times Of Central Asia

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Opinion: As Kazakhstan-China Trade Booms, Tokayev and XI Strengthen Relations

On June 16th, Kazakhstan’s President Tokayev hosted Chinese President Xi Jinping and the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan in Astana at the second China-Central Asia Summit. The six countries signed the 'Treaty of Permanent Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation', which reinforced their strategic cooperation in multiple areas, particularly in trade and investment. Aggregate China-Central Asia trade is up 10.4% this year. Kazakhstan is a pivotal player in transcontinental Eurasian trade and integration. Its geographic location, multimodal transport networks, and strategic partnerships with neighboring countries, particularly China, position Kazakhstan as Central Asia’s primary overland gateway to Europe and West Asia. It’s no surprise, therefore, that President Xi Jinping visited Astana – his sixth trip to Kazakhstan and sixteenth to Central Asia. Over the past two decades, Kazakhstan has reclaimed its historic role as a nation of merchants and intermediaries, revitalizing trade routes like the middle corridor and logistics hubs such as Khorgos Gateway—a dry port facilitating container transshipment between Chinese and Kazakh railways en route to Europe. These are just two examples of infrastructure projects in Kazakhstan; there are many more in development. In Astana, Presidents Tokayev and Xi underscored the importance of further socio-economic progress arising from enhanced economic linkages. Tokayev reiterated Kazakhstan’s support for mutually beneficial business opportunities, emphasizing the principle of national sovereignty and independence. Recent trade figures reflect the robust economic ties in infrastructure and connectivity. Kazakhstan’s construction sector, driven by investments in transport, are poised to increase by 6.8% in 2025, according to Kazakhstani economists. Sino-Central Asian trade, according to China’s General Administration of Customs, reached $94.8 billion in 2024, with Kazakhstan accounting for 46% of that total—$43.8 billion—making it China’s largest partner in the region. This contrasts with Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan's combined total of $28.1 billion, and Kyrgyzstan’s $22.7 billion, driven largely by re-exports and gold. Kazakhstan remains the anchor economy in Central Asia – the strategic hinge between China and the West – as confirmed not only by the volumes of freight entering and leaving Kazakhstan, but by its upstream and downstream economic benefits, causing a multiplier effect across the country. Over 80% of land cargo from China to Europe passes through Kazakhstan. What factors have led to this development? A key factor has been global demand for raw materials, but that’s only part of the story. What stands out as the principal driver of Kazakhstan’s success in boosting trade over the past 20 years was its commitment soon after independence in 1991 to invest in transport and logistics, while creating a regulatory and legal framework in parallel to facilitate operability. In other words, Kazakhstan’s success is no accident. It was the country in Central Asia to embrace economic liberalization not as ideology, but as a pragmatic approach to address the inefficiencies of a centralized command economy. This visionary approach facilitated economic liberalization, including getting rid of oppressive centralized planning and embracing private capital and deregulation without relinquishing sovereignty. Kazakhstan also pushed ahead in developing a banking sector that over time provided a...

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XI Jinping’s Five Points: How China Is Looking To Reshape Central Asia

The second China-Central Asia summit on June 17, held in Astana, Kazakhstan, underscored the strengthening ties between China and the region. This event marked a significant milestone in solidifying the China-Central Asia cooperation framework with the signing of the Treaty on Eternal Good-Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation. Experts note that Central Asian countries, once unable to adopt an intra-regional treaty, collectively reached this broader agreement with China. The summit also featured a range of side events, including the Energy Forum “Energy of Central Asia - China,” the Forum on Humanitarian Exchange, the Second Forum on Industrial and Investment Cooperation, and the Central Asia-China Business Council meeting, among others. These gatherings highlighted cooperation in energy, trade, and cultural exchange, reflecting China’s deepening influence in the region. Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev praised China’s approach to equal partnership, stating that relations between the two nations are “stable and free from the negative impacts of geopolitical challenges and shocks as well as the international circumstances. China has never imposed any political conditions regarding cooperation with Kazakhstan.” “This is a very important point, Kazakhstani Sinologist Adil Kaukenov explained, “as the head of state, being at the forefront of Kazakhstan's foreign and domestic policies, faces political games, manipulation, and pressure at various levels, which require considerable restraint, experience as a statesman, and popular support to overcome.” During the summit, the heads of the Central Asian states articulated their priorities for cooperation with China. Kazakhstan emphasized projects like the creation of a joint cargo terminal in the port of Kuryk on the Caspian Sea, cooperation in the fields of nuclear energy and artificial intelligence, and counteracting international cybercrime. Kyrgyzstan focused on security, transport, e-commerce, energy, and tourism. Tajikistan prioritized industrial development, trade, food security, and green economy initiatives. Uzbekistan, meanwhile, sought the further integration of Afghanistan into the region, and proposed an “Electronic Silk Road” trade platform, and the development of a long-term strategy called the “Central Asia-China Industrial and Infrastructure Belt.” Chinese President Xi Jinping used his address to outline five key points that shape China’s vision for the future of its relationship with Central Asia. “Our cooperation is rooted in more than two thousand years of friendly relations, consolidated by the solidarity and mutual trust that has been established for 30 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations, and has made great progress thanks to mutually beneficial cooperation in the new era,” Xi stated in his keynote speech. According to Xi, China considers Central Asia one of the priorities of its foreign policy, and this building of peaceful, inclusive partnerships was marked by the historical milestone of the signing of the treaty at the summit. “We will improve the architecture of cooperation, which is characterized by pragmatism, efficiency, and deep integration,” the Chinese president said, adding that 2025–2026 have been declared the Years of High-Quality Development of China-Central Asia Cooperation. This initiative will focus on trade, transport connectivity, green energy, agriculture, and technology. Notably, China pledged 1.5 billion yuan ($208 million) in grants for projects aimed...

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Is Central Asia China’s Backdoor to Global Power?

As Russia remains preoccupied with the war in Ukraine and the United States is focused on the ongoing Israel-Iran conflict, China is seeking to increase its presence in Central Asia. In the current circumstances, the European Union and Beijing appear to be the most active players in the strategically important region; but who is in a better position? Central Asia has become a region where various foreign powers are competing for influence. On June 5, New Delhi hosted the 4th India-Central Asia Dialogue, during which the foreign ministers of the regional nations, along with their Indian counterpart, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, discussed anti-terrorism cooperation amid rising regional extremism. Earlier, on April 3–4, the European Union sought to expand its ties with the region through the EU–Central Asia Summit format. Given China’s extensive economic cooperation with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, it is unsurprising that Beijing is seeking to strengthen its strategic influence in the region. The 2nd China-Central Asia Summit, taking in Astana on June 16-17, is yet another opportunity for Beijing to demonstrate that it has the capacity to position itself as an alternative to the growing European presence in the region. According to Dr. Habib Al-Badawi, Professor of International Relations at the Lebanese University, China is also aiming to limit the influence of other powers in the region – especially the United States, and to a lesser extent, Russia. “Moscow appears to accept China's growing economic dominance while trying to maintain its traditional security role. However, Beijing's expanding presence represents a long-term challenge to Russia's historical sphere of influence in the region,” Dr. Al-Badawi told The Times of Central Asia, emphasizing that Moscow and Beijing are more inclined to cooperate rather than compete in the region. Mark N. V. Temnycky, a Nonresident Fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center, believes that Moscow is showing a high degree of tolerance toward Beijing’s increased economic, energy, and security presence in Central Asia. Both countries, in his view, share similar objectives in the region, where they act as major trading partners and energy suppliers. The European Union seems to be their major rival in the Central Asia. In Dr. Al-Badawi’s view, unlike the EU that is “solely pursuing the region’s critical minerals,” China appears focused on broader economic integration through infrastructure development and trade partnerships. Dr. Tugrul Keskin, Professor at Cappadocia University and Moderator of Global China Academic Network, seems to share this view. “Beijing’s objectives in Central Asia are driven by a blend of strategic, economic, and security imperatives. While access to critical minerals – including rare earth elements vital for green technologies – is an emerging interest, it is not the primary driver. Unlike the European Union, whose recent engagement has focused heavily on securing raw materials, China’s approach is more comprehensive. It aims to shape the region’s long-term political alignments and economic structures in ways that favor Chinese leadership and diminish Western influence,” Dr. Keskin told The Times of Central Asia. At the same time, Beijing is actively increasing...

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Opinion: From Xi’an to Astana – Elevating China–Central Asia Cooperation to a New Height

As summer awakens the vibrant landscapes of Kazakhstan, with lilac blossoms aglow and the Ishim River meandering through the capital, Astana is once again at the center of regional diplomacy. From June 16 to 18, Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit Kazakhstan to attend the Second China–Central Asia Summit — an event of both symbolic weight and strategic substance. This year’s summit marks more than a diplomatic gathering — it signifies the maturing of a young but increasingly impactful multilateral framework born from centuries-old ties. From the ancient Silk Road to today’s modern infrastructure corridors, the five Central Asian nations and China are deepening a relationship rooted in trust, driven by mutual benefit, and destined to shape the region’s collective future. Ancient Friendship, Strategic Renewal More than 2,100 years ago, Chinese envoy Zhang Qian opened the first pathway to Central Asia, laying the groundwork for millennia of exchange. In 2013, standing in Kazakhstan, President Xi unveiled the Silk Road Economic Belt, the founding vision of what would become the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), reviving the spirit of the ancient Silk Road for a new era. Since then, cooperation between China and Central Asia has grown from historical affinity into a full-spectrum partnership. Over the past decade, this partnership has reached “three completions”: the full establishment of comprehensive strategic partnerships between China and all five Central Asian countries, full coverage of BRI cooperation documents, and full alignment with the concept of a shared future for humanity. These milestones demonstrate not just diplomatic intent but a shared strategic outlook that has withstood global uncertainties. As Xi noted, the decision to deepen China–Central Asia cooperation is not a product of convenience, but a generational choice made by leaders with long-term vision, responding to the will of their peoples and the imperatives of regional stability. Tangible Results: A Shared Path to Modernization Since the launch of the China–Central Asia mechanism in 2020, progress has accelerated. The elevation of this platform to the leaders’ level in 2023 during the Xi’an Summit underscored its growing relevance. From the Xi’an Declaration to the establishment of a permanent secretariat, institutional foundations are now firmly in place. More importantly, the mechanism is delivering real results. Trade between China and the five Central Asian states reached a record $94.8 billion in 2024, a $5.4 billion increase from the previous year. New cooperation structures in transport, agriculture, customs, and emergency management are enabling efficient multilateral coordination. A flagship example is the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway, now under active construction, marking a milestone in physical connectivity. This long-anticipated project, personally championed by the three heads of state, will reshape regional logistics and unlock new trade routes across Eurasia. Beyond rail, a web of cooperation is forming: the high-functioning Khorgos Gateway and the newly launched Kazakhstan Xi’an Terminal, increased Caspian Sea corridor traffic, and regularized freight trains between China and Central Asia. These are not mere infrastructure projects — they are lifelines of mutual development. Kazakhstan, in particular, is actively reinforcing its role as...

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Opinion: China–Central Asia Partnership – Seeking Opportunity in a World of Uncertainty

Leaders from China and the five Central Asian countries will gather in Astana on Monday, two years after their inaugural summit in the Chinese city of Xi’an. However, as Chinese President Xi Jinping has often noted, “Our world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century." The geopolitical landscape is markedly different from that of their first meeting, with both China and the Central Asian nations now facing a world of increasing uncertainty. In April, foreign ministers from China and the Central Asian countries convened in Almaty, Kazakhstan, where Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi expressed concern over the rising tide of protectionism and unilateralism. He criticized the United States for launching a tariff war against more than 180 countries, saying it undermines international trade and destabilizes the global economy. Wang reaffirmed China’s commitment to openness. “China will consistently promote a high degree of openness, share opportunities with the world, and take responsibility for upholding international norms,” he said. Wang’s remarks were echoed by the Central Asian representatives, who voiced strong support for China’s vision of building a “community with a shared future” and pledged to deepen cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, said that China and Central Asian nations have set clear guidelines for collaboration in trade, energy, transport and logistics, education, and science. The ties between China and Central Asia stretch back to the ancient Silk Road camel caravans that carried not only goods but also cultures. At the first China-Central Asia summit in Xi’an, Chinese President Xi said: “Back in 2013, I put forward the initiative of jointly building a Silk Road Economic Belt during my first visit to Central Asia as Chinese president.” Like an echo of millennia past, the ancient Silk Road now finds its modern expression through connectivity and cooperation. In May, the first tourist train linking the Chinese city of Xi’an and Almaty, the largest city in Kazakhstan, made its inaugural journey. Also in May, Kyrgyzstan’s State Civil Aviation Agency reached an agreement with Chinese aviation authorities to open a new air route to the Chinese city of Kashgar. As part of the Air Silk Road initiative, this will become the second direct air link between Central Asia and Western China. [caption id="attachment_32911" align="aligncenter" width="1179"] The first tourist train between Xi'an and Almaty; image: CGTN[/caption] This is in addition to a key milestone in the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway project. In April, construction began on a 12-kilometer tunnel in Kyrgyzstan’s Jalal-Abad region. At the groundbreaking ceremony, Kyrgyz Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers, Bakyt Torobayev, stated: “This project is not only of infrastructural importance. It paves the way for improved quality of life, economic growth, and stronger ties between regions and peoples.” [caption id="attachment_32913" align="aligncenter" width="1179"] China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway; image: CGTN[/caption] Beyond infrastructure, Kyrgyzstan is working to integrate with China’s banking payment system. A significant step was taken during a recent meeting in Beijing, where the finance ministers of both countries agreed to establish financial infrastructure for cross-border settlements...

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Opinion: Xi Jinping Heads to Astana – What’s at Stake in the Central Asia-China Summit?

On June 16-17, President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China will visit Kazakhstan. The second Central Asia-China summit is scheduled for June 17 in Astana. Leading up to the event, a series of forums, meetings, and conferences have been unfolding across Central Asia and China, drawing experts, journalists, diplomats, and energy-sector representatives. These activities suggest that the upcoming summit is poised to overshadow its predecessor. While U.S. analysts continue debating the viability of their own C5+1 framework for engaging with Central Asia, and the European Union advanced its outreach with the inaugural EU-Central Asia summit, China has relied on a well-worn path. The thousand-year legacy of the Middle Kingdom is filled with moments when it had to engage with the complex mosaic of Central Asia, once a turbulent region of khanates, emirates, and nomadic tribes. Despite the chaos, China succeeded in carving out a secure overland corridor, the Great Silk Road, which threaded through what are now the independent Central Asian republics, linking them like beads in a continental necklace. Then, as now, China is seeking stability in the region, not just for political influence but to safeguard its global supply chains. Beijing’s modern initiatives, including the Belt and Road Initiative and its broader “community of shared future” concept, aim to establish global “islands of comfort” conducive to Chinese interests. At the heart of this strategy lies a deeply embedded worldview: that China represents civilization itself. The Chinese learned long ago to deal with their neighbors not with violence, but through economic incentives, a method which is proving just as effective today. This layer of understanding is notably absent in many Western and post-Soviet analyses of China’s actions in Central Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and beyond. The reasons for this are twofold. First, Chinese officials are careful never to state views about cultural hierarchies explicitly; doing so would risk alienating partners. This reticence is a feature of traditional Eastern diplomacy. Second, Beijing has cultivated its own expert ecosystem within the post-Soviet sphere. In response to a wave of Sinophobia that swept through Central Asia a decade ago, China now primarily engages with favorable media outlets and Sinologists, many of whom are nurtured through carefully managed media tours. One such tour, organized by People’s Daily, is currently underway ahead of the Astana summit. As a result, the discourse surrounding the summit is shaped less by hard policy proposals than by diplomatic pageantry, with everything presented in the best possible light. At the recent 5th Forum of Think Tanks, “Central Asia-China: New Horizons for Regional Partnership,” Kazakhstan's State Councilor Yerlan Karin likened China and Central Asia to “the two lungs of Asia,” emphasizing the symbolic depth of their growing relationship. The 6th Central Asia-China Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, chaired by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and held in Almaty in April, likewise offered little in terms of concrete summit outcomes. According to a general statement from Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry, topics included political dialogue, trade, connectivity, sustainable development, and security cooperation,...